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令伯有话讲(13-08-08)

什么标题?
阿都拉时代“肃贪大鱼”获释
高庭宣判卡西达罪名不成立

新闻出处?
当今大马

你看人家笑得多开心?

你看人家笑得多开心?

新闻大意?
在2004年被控涉贪而轰动一时的前土地及合作社发展部长卡西达(Kasitah),经过5年的冗长审讯后,被判罪名不成立,当庭释放。

卡西达与谢英福是前首相阿都拉,在2004年大选前高调提控的“两条大鱼”,以便显示其肃贪决心。但是,在阿都拉下台后,这“两条大鱼”都无罪释放。

令伯讲什么?
所以说嘛,去当什么民联的议员?辛苦又没得贪污。

还没贪就已经被反贪委员会盯上了,惹得一身蚁,搞不好还随时会在反贪局里连小命也丢了。

人家“大鱼”贪个几千几百万到最后还不是一样被判无罪释放。

所以说在马来西亚从政就要一不做,二不休,有志气些,要当“大鱼”,要贪就一次贪大的,千万别当“小鱼”,为了那几千块钱而身陷牢狱,多不值得。

当然,前提是你必须是和国阵政府有挂钩,才有人暗中庇佑你。

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转载:我是伯拉

此文转载自凌国文的文情并茂

2003年阿都拉刚接任首相时,记者问他:“东姑是独立之父;敦拉萨是发展之父;敦胡先翁是团结之父;老马是现代化之父;您希望自己是什么之父呢?”

初登相位喜不自胜的阿都拉笑嘻嘻地回答说:“我是伯拉!

到了今天,他果然只是“伯拉”,没多没少。

令伯有话讲(08-10-08)

什么标题?
设司法、反贪、投诉委会,首相要完成未竟改革使命

新闻出处?
当今大马

新闻大意?
阿都拉于今日(周三,10月8日)下午主持国阵最高理事会特別会议时,向各成员党领袖宣佈,他不会在明年3月的巫统党选中捍卫主席的职位。

他宣称目前担任的巫统主席职任期将在明年3月终止。在他离职前,他还想完成几项计划,其中包括了司法、反贪和投诉委员会。

令伯讲什么?
终于都下台了。

都不懂是应该值得高兴还是应该害怕。

送走了一个弱势首相,迎来的是一个丑闻缠身的首相。(最惨的是,Najib根本都不是国阵成员党之间选出来的,就连马华、民政和国大党也只有在旁干看的份)

无论如何,只希望阿都拉在下台前能诚如其文告所说的,致力改革司法、反贪和成立投诉委员会(SCC)。(虽然SCC也是一个很有争议的问题,IPCMC才是解决警队问题之道,详情请点击这里

如果他真的办到,那么他总算还有点功绩,也不枉曾担任大马第五任首相。

转载:谁是大马经济的罪魁祸首?

(转载自:肚懒公会

首相阿都拉昨天痛斥安华威胁国家经济,也可能对国家安全造成威胁。大马股市今早开市跌了19点,跌破千点大关。阿都拉在这个期间谴责安华威胁国家经济,节奏上占了便宜,但实际上,阿都拉领导的国阵政府又在建设国家经济方面带来什么程度的效益与成就?

正巧《华尔街时报》亚洲版适时为大家解答了这个疑问,它发表了一篇评论,点评阿都拉政权过去五年来为国家经济的«贡献»,今早成为 Malaysia Insider 及许多网站与博客的头条新闻。

WALL STREET JOURNAL ASIA

Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim announced this week that he has enough parliamentary support to unseat the current government, led by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. If he does, Abdullah’s lacklustre economic management will be largely to blame.

The prime minister has not introduced any substantive reforms during his nearly five years in office, preferring to rely instead on opening up the government purse. Under the Ninth Malaysia Plan announced in 2005, he expanded public-sector spending to RM200 billion annually from RM160 billion. In his Midterm Plan Review this year, he increased this outlay to RM240 billion. The national debt now stands at RM285 billion, up from RM192 billion in 2004. The official fiscal deficit has risen to 4.8% of GDP this year, from 3.2% last year. Revenue is being spent faster than it is coming in.

It’s hard to argue that these outlays have served the broad public interest. Much of the funding has been channelled to elites in the majority Malay community, under the country’s pro-Malay affirmation action programme. That has created discontent with many Malay who don’t see the full benefits of the programme, and among the minority Chinese and Indians, who are excluded from it altogether.

Abdullah’s stewardship has had a real impact on the economy. Capital flight has risen sharply; Malaysian investment abroad now exceeds inward foreign investment. The Kuala Lumpur stock exchange has lost almost one-fifth of its value this year to date. Malaysia’s currency, the ringgit, saw its biggest one-month loss last month since the end of the dollar peg in 2005. Although GDP growth has averaged a robust 5% annual growth under Abdullah, that record is now under threat. Inflation reached a record 8.5% this summer. Job creation has reached record lows, as unemployment, particularly among young majority Malays, remains high. Ironically, only the opposition-led state governments are attracting new foreign investment — and without the federal government’s help, no less.

Abdullah’s 2004 attempts to promote growth and investment — such as through the promotion of the biotechnology and agricultural industries — have failed. He also fumbled discussions with the United States on a free trade agreement, which have now stalled. What Malaysia really needs is education reform and the liberalisation of its labour markets to improve its economic competitiveness.

The political opposition, in the form of Anwar and his Pakatan Rakyat coalition, have seized on these issues. They have promised to root out corruption and to implement a new economic policy to address the concerns of all ethnic communities in Malaysia. Their platform aims to move beyond populist spending to introduce structural reforms in government procurement programmes and in the management of government-linked companies.

When Abdullah assumed office in 2004, he inherited an economy in need of structural reform. Malaysians have had to pay for his poor stewardship through higher prices, stagnating wages and growing private sector debt. Soon, Abdullah may have to pay the political price for that record.

转载:思维不变,如何改革?

大选过了3个星期,中央政府和反对党执政的州政府都提出一些新措施,但是需要观察两个月才能夠确定国家是不是在朝改革路线前进。

选民在大选中投反对党,其中一个原因是国家面对太多问题,政府却迟迟未改革。改革的关键在于政治领袖是否已经改变了思维,假如思维不变,行政机关就无法踏出改革的第一步。

从各巫统领袖的谈话可以看出只有少数人具备变革的思维。首相日前表示国阵败在忽略网络的宣传,乡村及区域发展部长莫哈末泰益也指出,人民并非要国阵败选,一些人甚至对结果感到后悔。

在国家课题上,首相认为槟城推行的工程公开投標制未必公正。高教部长莫哈末卡立披露,大专法令的修改不一定涉及限制学生结社自由的部份,他不认为大专法令约束学生结社的自由。內政部长拿督斯里赛哈密拒绝释放在內安法令下被扣留者的中选州议员。

掌管司法的首相署部长再益有心要改革司法,但是他的改革主张在党內却面对阻力。

巫统领袖在未来9个月将面对当选的压力,他们是否还有时间和勇气去考虑改革的问题?

其他国阵成员党的反应也令人失望,甚至是没有认清问题的关键,只是在枝节上纠缠不清,包括行事应不应更高调?

选民已经通过选举告诉政府他们关注几个课题,包括物价上涨(生活费提高)、治安不靖、贪污恶化、政府政策种族化、朋党问题严重、司法不健全、管理水平低落,但是至今人民还没有看到政府拿出什么对策来解決这些问题。首相的新措施只是有关股市的资金市场4大措施。

反观反对党执政的州却致力要透明化、减轻人民的生活负担、开源节流、翻查土地弊案、恢復地方选举、制度化拨款给独中,虽然目前还不能断定一定会成功,但至少是好的开始。

人们还在等待中央政府踏出改革的第一步,它已经没有蜜月期。未来的一个月将决定一些政党继续沉沦,还是上升,很快就有答案。

星洲日报/夜雨晨风‧作者:林瑞源‧2008.03.30

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